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Home My WebLink AboutPUD 2018-0006; BREAKERS VIEW BEACH HOMES; CULTURAL RESOURCE RECORD; 2018-11-16ASM Archaeology • History • Ethnography • Architectural History November 16, 2018 Jason Ianni President M Bar C Construction, Inc. 674 Rancheros Drive San Marcos, California 92069 -C~IVE APR 3 0 2019 C1TY Or CARLSBAD PLP.Nt--JING Dl /ISIO ! Re: Cultural Resource Record Search for 3648 Carlsbad Blvd., Carlsbad, San Diego County, California Dear Mr. Ianni, This report presents the results of a cultural resources study conducted by ASM Affiliates, Inc., (ASM) for the proposed construction at 3648 Carlsbad Blvd., Carlsbad, San Diego County, California. The property is in the City of Carlsbad and can be found in Township 12 South, Range 4 West, Section 7, on the San Luis Rey USGS 7.5-minute quadrangle (Figure 1, 2, and 3). The study was performed to determine the presence or absence of potentially significant prehistoric and historic resources within the vicinity of the project boundaries. It consisted of a review of all relevant site records and reports on file with the South Coastal Information Center (SCIC) at San Diego State University within a one-half mile search radius. A cultural resources survey was not performed, as the project area has been entirely developed. No historic properties have been previously recorded within the project's area of potential effects (APE). Two historic properties, one historic isolate artifact, and two prehistoric sites were identified within the search radius. This letter report provides first a summary of the prehistory and history of the region followed by the results of the records search from the SCIC. The full results of the records search from the SCIC can be found in Confidential Appendix A. CULTURAL BACKGROUND Prehistory Archaeological fieldwork along the southern California coast has documented a diverse range of human occupations extending from the early Holocene into the Ethnohistoric period (Erlandson and Colten 1991; Jones 1992; Moratto 1984 ). A variety of different regional chronologies, often with overlapping terminology, have been used in coastal southern California, and they vary from region to region (Moratto I 984). Today, the prehistory of San Diego County is generally divided into three major temporal periods: Paleo-Indian, Archaic, and Late Prehistoric. These time periods are characterized by patterns in material culture that are thought to represent distinct regional trends in the economic and social organization of prehistoric groups. In addition, particular scholars referring to specific areas utilize a number of cultural terms synonymously with these temporal labels: San Dieguito for Paleo-Indian, La Jolla for Archaic, and San Luis Rey for Late Prehistoric (Meighan 1959; Moriarty 1966; Rogers 1939, 1945; True 1966, 1970; Wallace 1978; Warren 1964). Paleo-Indian Period The antiquity of human occupation in the New World has been the subject of considerable debate over the last few decades. The most commonly accepted model currently is that humans first entered the western hemisphere between 15,000 and 12,000 years before the present. While there is no firm evidence of human Corpor•t•: 2034 Corte Del Noga!, Carlsbad, CA 92011 • (760) 004-5757 • Fax: (760} 804•5755 Office Locat Ions.: Kearny Mesa, Pa,sadooa & Tehacha~ CA • Hilo & Honolulu, Hl R~o a, I.as Vegas. NV • St<Jnwood • WA • Cheyenne, WY www.a$maffi1iates.c;om -- --------------- ---- -.. --- ----.. - November 16, 2018 Mr. Ianni Page 2 of 29 occupation in coastal southern California prior to 12,000 B.P., dates as early as 23,000 B.P. and even 48,000 B.P. have been reported (Bada et al. 1974; Carter 1980; Rogers 1974). However, the amino acid racemization technique used to date these sites has been largely discredited by more recent accelerator radiocarbon dating of early human remains along the California coast (Taylor et al. 1985). Despite intense interest and a long history of research, no widely accepted evidence of human occupation of North America dating prior to 15,000 B.P. has emerged. As in most of North America, the earliest recognized period of California prehistory is termed Paleo-Indian. In southern California, this period is usually considered to date from at least 10,000 B.P. until 8500 to 7200 B.P. (Moratto 1984; Warren et al. 2008), and is represented by what is known as the San Dieguito complex (Rogers 1966). Within the local classificatory system, San Dieguito assemblages are composed almost entirely of flaked stone tools, including scrapers, choppers, and large projectile points (Warren 1987; Warren et al. 2008). Until recently, the near absence of milling tools in San Dieguito sites was viewed as the major difference between Paleo-Indian economies and the lifeways which characterized the subsequent Archaic period. Based upon rather scant evidence from a small number of sites in San Diego County, it has been hypothesized that the people linked to the San Dieguito complex lived within a generalized hunter-gatherer society with band-level organization. This portrayal is essentially an extension to the inland and coastal areas of San Diego County of what has long been considered a continent-wide Paleo-Indian tradition. This immediate post-Pleistocene adaptation occurred within a climatic period of somewhat cooler and moister conditions than exists presently. The range of possible economic adaptations of San Dieguito bands to this environment is poorly understood at present, but it is typically assumed that these groups followed lifeways similar to other Paleo-Indian groups in North America. This interpretation of the San Dieguito complex as the local extension of a post-Clovis big game hunting tradition is based primarily on materials from the C. W. Harris Site (Ezell 1983, 1987; Warren 1966, 1967). An unusually high percentage of large bifaces in the Harris assemblage seems indicative of a retooling station, a pattern not found at any other purported San Dieguito sites. Still, there does appear to be some evidence that large biface technology was typical of the earliest occupations of San Diego County, and that this pattern is shared by other complexes in the greater Southwest. What is less clear is how large a role these objects played in the day-to-day subsistence activities of their creators. Archaic Period The Archaic period ( also referred to as the Early Milling period) extends back at least 7,200 years, possibly as early as 9000 B.P. (Moratto 1984; Rogers 1966; Warren et al. 2008). Archaic subsistence is generally considered to have differed from Paleo-Indian subsistence in two major ways. First, gathering activities were emphasized over hunting, with shellfish and seed collecting being of particular importance. Second, milling technology, frequently employing portable ground stone slabs, was developed. The shift to littoral exploitation from a land-based focus is traditionally held to mark the transition from the Paleo-Indian period to the Archaic period. In reality, the implications of this transition are poorly understood from both an economic and cultural standpoint (see Warren et al. 2008 for an excellent review). Early Archaic occupations in San Diego County are most apparent along the coast and the major drainage systems that extend inland from the coastal plains (Moratto 1984 ). Coastal Archaic sites are characterized by cobble tools, basin milling stones, hand stones, discoidals (disk-shaped ground stones), a small number of "Pinto" and "Elko" series dart points, and flexed burials. Together, these elements typify what is termed the La Jolla complex in San Diego County, which appears as the early coastal manifestation of a more diversified way of life . --- ---------- ----------.. .. -... --- --.. November 16, 2018 Mr. Ianni Page 3 of29 For many years, the common model has included something that D. L. True (1958) termed the Pauma complex, an archaeological construct based upon a number of inland Archaic-period sites in northern San Diego County that appeared to exhibit assemblage attributes different from coastal Archaic sites. Pauma complex sites were typically located on small saddles and hills overlooking stream drainages, and were characterized by artifact scatters of basin and slab milling stones, hand stones, some scraper planes, debitage, and occasional ground stone discoidals. Further analysis suggests that the Pauma complex is simply an inland counterpart to the coastal La Jolla complex (Cardenas and Van Wormer 1984; Gallegos 1987; True and Beemer 1982). Given that the distance between the two environments (coastal and inland) is relatively small, and that sites attributed to each complex appear to be contemporaneous, it seems more parsimonious to consider the differences in materials as seasonal manifestations of a mobile residence strategy using both coastal and inland resources. When similar environmental variability exists within Archaic complexes in other regions, such sites are usually considered to represent different aspects of the annual positioning strategies of a single hunter-gatherer culture complex (Bayham and Morris 1986; Sayles 1983; Sayles and Antevs 1941). In recent years, local archaeologists have questioned the traditional definition of the Paleo-Indian San Dieguito complex as consisting solely of flaked lithic tools and lacking milling technology. There is speculation that differences between artifact assemblages of "San Dieguito" and "La Jolla" sites may reflect· functional differences rather than temporal or cultural variability (Bull 1987; Gallegos 1987; Wade 1986). Gallegos ( 1987) has proposed that the San Dieguito, La Jolla, and Pauma complexes are manifestations of the same culture, that is, different site types are the result of differences in site locations and resources exploitation (Gallegos 1987:30). This hypothesis, however, has been strongly challenged by Warren and others (2008). In short, our understanding of the interplay between human land use, social organization, and material culture for the first several millennia of San Diego prehistory is poorly developed, although some progress has been made. Recent data collection has accelerated in the areas of paleoenvironmental analysis, paleoethnobotany, faunal analysis, and lithic technology studies. More importantly, efforts are being made to reexamine the assumptions surrounding existing artifact typologies and climatic reconstructions that form the basis of the standard systematics. Late Prehistoric Period In his later overviews of San Diego prehistory, Malcolm Rogers (1945) hypothesized that Yuman-speaking people from the Colorado River region migrated into southern California. This hypothesis was based primarily on patterns of material culture in archaeological contexts and his reading of linguistic evidence. This "Yuman invasion" is still commonly cited in the literature, but some later linguistic studies suggest that the movement may have actually been northward from Baja California . Assemblages derived from Late Prehistoric sites in San Diego County differ in many ways from those in the Archaic tradition. The occurrence of small, pressure-flaked projectile points, the replacement of flexed inhumations with cremations, the introduction of ceramics, and an emphasis on inland plant food collection, processing, and storage (especially acorns) are only a few of the cultural patterns that were well established by the start of the second millennium A.D. The centralized and seasonally permanent residential patterns that had begun to emerge during the Archaic period became well established in most areas. Inland semisedentary villages appeared along major watercourses in the foothills and in montane valleys where seasonal exploitation of acorns and pifion nuts was common, resulting in permanent milling stations on bedrock outcrops. Mortars for acorn processing increased in frequency relative to seed-grinding basins. The Late Prehistoric period is represented in the northern part of San Diego County by the San Luis Rey complex (Meighan 1954; True et al. 1974), and by the Cuyamaca complex in the southern portion of the county (True 1970). The San Luis Rey complex is the archaeological manifestation of the Uto-Aztecan ----- --- - -------- -- - • .. -.. ---.. .. .. November 16, 2018 Mr. Ianni Page 4 of29 (Takic) predecessors of the ethnohistoric Luisefi.o, while the Cuyamaca complex reflects the material culture of the Yuman ancestors of the Kumeyaay (also known as Dieguefi.o or lpai and Tipai). Ethnohistoric Period In ethnohistoric times, two main cultural groups occupied coastal San Diego County: the Luisefi.o in the north, and the Kumeyaay or Dieguefi.o in the south. Traditionally, Luisefi.o territory encompassed an area bounded roughly from Agua Hedionda on the coast, east to Lake Henshaw, north into Riverside County, and west to San Juan Capistrano on the coast (Bean and Shipek 1978; Kroeber 1925). The region inhabited by the Kumeyaay was much larger and probably extended from Agua Hedionda Lagoon eastward into the Imperial Valley and southward through much of northern Baja California (Almstedt 1982; Gifford 1931; Hedges 1975; Luomala 1978; Shipek 1982; Spier 1923). The Project is located within northwestern San Diego County, which was occupied by the Luisefi.o before European contact. The San Diego region became increasingly multiethnic in its cultural traditions after the arrival of a permanent Spanish settlement in A.D. 1769. Written records from the historic period also shed considerable light on prehistoric lifeways in the region. Relevant documents from the Spanish and Mexican periods are very limited (Boscana 2005; Fages 1937; Geiger and Meighan 1976; Laylander 2000). However, the ethnographic record became much richer in the early decades of the twentieth century, with the rise of academic anthropology (Drucker 193 7, 1941; Gifford 1918, 1931; Hicks 1963; Hohenthal 2001; Kroeber 1925; Laylander2004; Luomala 1978; Sparkman 1908; Spier 1923; Waterman 1910; White 1963). Ethnographic information concerning the Luisefi.o is generalized, rather than referring specifically to the Project area. Luisefi.o groups, speaking a language within the Takic branch and Cupan subgroup of Uto-Aztecan, occupied the northern San Diego, southern Orange, and southeastern Riverside counties through the ethnohistoric period into the twenty-first century. They are linguistically and culturally related to the Cahuilla, Cupefi.o, Serrano, and Gabrielino. The Luisefi.o referred to their homeland, including the area encompassing the San Luis Rey River as Quechla (Bean and Vane 1991: 139; National Park Service 2004). Settlement patterns of hunter-gatherers such as the Luisefi.o were influenced by subsistence factors. The effective exploitation of any particular resource used for food, medicine, or manufacture was tied to the seasonal availability of primary resources. The flora and fauna exploited by Native American populations of this area of southern California were diverse. The Luisefi.o divided the year into eight seasons ( 10 months) according to when certain seeds and fruit were available. The season or month was named for the environmental characteristics that manifested themselves in that season or month (Boscana 2005:66; DuBois 1908:165). Both plant and animal foods played a major part in Luisefi.o subsistence. The plant foods were high in fat, carbohydrates, and protein, and thus provided a high-energy diet. Some of the plants exploited for food included acorns, annual grass seeds, yucca, manzanita, sage, sunflowers, lemonade berry, chia, and various wild greens and fruits. These plants were available seasonally: elderberries are available during July and August, chia is available mainly in June, acorns are available in the fall, and many grasses are available in the spring, summer, and fall. Storage allowed these resources to be consumed throughout the year. Most ethnohistoric accounts emphasize that acorns, gathered in the highlands, were the most important food source for the Luisefio. Exploited animal resources included deer, pronghorns, bears, rabbits, jackrabbits, woodrats, mice, ground squirrels, valley and mountain quail, doves, ducks and other birds, fish, and marine shellfish. The Luisefio avoided hunting all predator animals, as well as tree squirrels and most reptiles (Bean and Shipek 1978) . - -------- ----- --------- .. -• - - .. November 16, 2018 Mr. Ianni Page 5 of29 Hunting in recent times employed a bow and arrow and was carried out individually or in groups. As in many other areas of California, deer were tracked and stalked, while smaller game, including rabbits, was caught with curved throwing sticks, nets, slings, traps, or deadfalls, or through game drives. Bones of rabbits and other small animals were dried and pounded into a powder to mix into other foods as seasoning and additional nourishment (Waugh 1986). Coastal marine animals utilized as food included sea mammals, crustaceans, fish, and mollusks. Some fish were only available seasonally, while other fish were available throughout the year. Trout and other freshwater fish, when available in inland drainages and in mountain streams, were captured with traps, nets, or poison. Settlement in the coastal region of southern California followed a pattern of permanent villages and temporary hunting and gathering camps. Houses were conical structures of willow frames covered with brush, with subterranean floors and central hearths. Other structures included sweathouses, ceremonial enclosures, ramadas, and acorn granaries. Domestic implements included wooden utensils, baskets, ceramic cooking and storage vessels, and stone milling equipment. Seasonality and scheduling of resource exploitation were critical elements of the cultural adaptive system interwoven with the settlement patterns. Storage of both plants and animals was practiced regularly among the Luisefio and was often considered a necessity. The seasonal availability of acorns, yucca, and grasses dictated long-term planning of resource exploitation. Ethnohistoric accounts emphasize the dearth of winter resources and how people were forced to depend on stored foods including acorns, dried fish, and other plant foods. Some fish species were available in the winter, but they were mainly bottom-dwelling species, small sardine schools, and mackerels (Tartaglia 1976:46). Some accounts indicate that coastal communities exploited local shellfish in the winter (Sparkman 1908). During times of scarce resources, the interior Luisefio traveled to the coast to obtain shellfish, fish, and even some land mammals (White 1963). Bean and Shipek (1978) note that most inland groups had fishing and gathering locations on the coast that they visited annually when the tides were low or when the inland resources were scarce, typically during the months of January through March. All accounts emphasize that populations were concentrated within the highlands during the acorn harvest in October and November. Adaptations included management of resources, food storage, and migration in response to changing availabilities of resources. Fire was employed as a crop-management technique and for community game drives. The annual produce return from various plant resources such as grass seeds, some greens, and yucca was maintained by burning the landscape at least every third year (Bean and Shipek 1978). These techniques prevailed throughout southern California. The settlement pattern and subsistence systems of the Luisefio, like those of other California groups, were tailored to exploit the seasonal fluctuations in resources and employed movements of populations from mountain slopes and highlands to valley floors and coastal strips. The duration and location of settlement areas were dependent on the availability of plant and animal resources. The settlement pattern was characterized by aggregation and segregation of people around plant and animal resources. Historic Period Spanish Period Spanish explorer Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo first landed in California in 1542, claiming it for the King of Spain. More than two centuries later, Christian missionaries and soldiers arrived both by sea and overland from Baja California and founded Mission San Diego de Alcala in 1769, the first of21 Spanish and Mexican ------ -- - - -------------.. -.. -.. .. • .. .. November 16, 2018 Mr. Ianni Page 6 of 29 missions (1769-1823). Charged with converting pagan Indians to Christianity, the mission system and its soldiers would protect Spain's interest in California. Soldiers protected the mission from Presidio Hill, and the Franciscans first served the new mission by overseeing its operations and assumed control over the land as trustees for the Indians. The mission system operated under the expectation that once the Indians had been Christianized and "civilized," the land would become a pueblo. In 1774, the presidio became a Royal Presidio, and the mission was relocated 10 km up the San Diego River. Some Indians had already been baptized, but others revolted in 1775 by burning the mission and killing a friar. The attack did not prompt any long-term changes to the mission system, but it heightened insecurities. On July 20, 1769, Father Juan Crespi arrived in the San Luis Rey River valley with the Portola expedition to Monterey. His report back to his superiors declaring it an ideal location for a mission led to the eventual founding of Mission San Luis Rey de Francia, the eighteenth California mission (Pourade 1961: 115). The mission was formally dedicated June 13, 1798. Named for King Louis IX of France, this mission became known as the "King of Missions" due to its size and success. At the time of European contact, the San Luis Rey Valley was occupied by Takic-speaking Indians, who were later named Luisefio after the mission. In 1824, Mission San Luis Rey had an Indian neophyte population of 3,000, and the extensive mission lands supported 1,500 horses, 2,800 sheep, and 22,000 cattle (Pourade 1961:139). Approximately 20 mi. northeast the Mission San Luis Rey, Pala was founded in 1810, as an asistencia, or outpost, of Mission San Luis Rey (Pourade 1961:122). An asistencia is defined as a mission on a small scale that offers religious services on days of obligation but lacks a resident priest (Weber 1988:v). By 1818, Mission San Luis Rey had become the richest and most populous of Spain's missions in California (Heilbron 1936). Mexican Period After a long struggle in Mexico, the Mexican War of Independence ended in 1821, severing the Spanish hold on the Californias. The San Diego area began transitioning from a religious and military outpost to a town. The mission movement was dwindling as 17 of the oldest missions no longer had resident priests and the native population had drastically declined from the impact of Spanish occupation (Engstand 2005:56- 57; MacPhail 1971; Mills 1968; Padilla-Corona 1997; Pourade 1960; Robinson 1948:23-72). Land grants or ranchos largely characterized the Mexican period ( 1821-1848). Although some land had been granted to Indians, most of the land went to military men or merchants. A majority of ranchos were demarcated after secularization of mission land beginning in 1833, which prompted a rush for land grants. Land granted to Mexicans between 1833 and 1846 amounted to 500 ranchos, primarily granted near the coast from San Francisco to San Diego. Hand-drawn maps or disei'ios indicated the often-vague boundaries of the grants where dons and donas constructed adobe houses on their vast lands, cultivating the land and grazing cattle, often with the aid of Indian vaqueros. Mexican Governor Pio Pico granted a great number of those ranchos, quickly carving up Alta California to ensure Mexican land titles survived a U.S. victory in the Mexican-American War (1846-1848) (Christenson and Sweet 2008:7; Engstrand 2005:64-66; Robinson 1948:23-72) . The lands formerly held by Mission San Luis Rey were parceled into six ranchos: Santa Margarita, Las Flores, Buena Vista, Agua Hedionda, Monserrate, and Guajome. Rancho Buena Vista and Ranch Agua Hedionda were closest to the Project. The remaining lands of San Luis Rey were so Id in 1846 to Jose Cota and Jose A. Pico by Pio Pico, Governor of California, and the Luisefio converts who had lived around the mission were removed to nearby Pala (Hawthorne 2000) . -- --- ------.. ------ --.. --• .. - - -• • November 16, 2018 Mr. Ianni Page 7of29 American Period After the Mexican-American War, land ownership in California became hotly contentious despite protection under the Treaty of Guadalupe Hildalgo of February 1848. Proof of rancho land ownership with the new government often meant years of effort to obtain a federal patent, and many rancheros had difficulty maneuvering through the process. Capitalizing on the uncertainty of those transitional years, Anglo settlers increasingly squatted on land that belonged to Californios and began challenging the validity of Spanish- Mexican claims through the Board of Land Commissioners ( 1851) ( Garcia 197 5: 15-16, 22-24 ). Meanwhile, William Heath Davis' 1850 experiment to restart San Diego as a coastal New Town failed after a short period of time. Alonzo E. Horton's second attempt at New Town in 1867 became the successful foundation for present-day downtown San Diego (MacPhail 1971; Mills 1968; Padilla-Corona 1997). An influx of Anglo squatters outside of New Town and new government taxes severely hindered Californio rancho owners, and by 1860, most did not retain their original land holdings. Unimproved farmland and substantial, often unconfirmed, ranchos characterized the largely uninhabited San Diego County (Garcia 1975:15-16, 22-24). The confirmation ofranchos' boundaries in the late 1860s and early 1870s drew additional settlers as land became officially conveyable. Small farming communities were quickly established throughout San Diego County, and a completed link to the transcontinental railroad in November 1885 helped to initiate an unprecedented real estate boom for New Town that spilled over the county. Settlers poured into San Diego, lured by real estate promotions offering a salubrious climate, cheap land, and the potential to realize great profits in agriculture and real estate. Speculators formed land companies and subdivided town sites throughout the county, and settlers took up homestead claims on government land for both speculation and permanent settlement (Pourade 1964: 167-191 ). In San Luis Rey Valley, settlers began arriving in the late 1860s and 1870s. These settlers, who came from eastern states and a wide variety of European countries, raised dairy cattle, sheep, and horses, grew barley and alfalfa, and maintained bee colonies. A small town site began to grow adjacent to the San Luis Rey mission. In 1880, the California Southern Railroad was formed to construct a rail line between San Diego and San Bernardino. By 1882, 211 mi. of track had been constructed from National City to Fallbrook Junction, just north of Oceanside, and inland through Temecula Canyon to Colton and San Bernardino. Completion of a transcontinental railroad link in November 1885 initiated an unprecedented real estate boom for New Town that spilled over into the county. Settlers poured into San Diego, lured by real estate promotions offering a temperate climate, cheap land, and the potential to realize great profits in agriculture and real estate. For the San Luis Rey Valley and outlying areas, the transcontinental railroad created more economic opportunities that would increasingly develop in the early twentieth century. The first two decades of the twentieth century brought continuity and change to San Diego County, with a continued U.S. Navy and Army presence, and the trend of populating the burgeoning New Town continued (Heilbron 1936:370, 431; U.S. Census Bureau 1920:82). Automobiles became increasingly popular as they became affordable, prompting road grading to open up the backcountry (Etulain and Malone 1989:40; Kyvig 2004:27). Glenn H. Curtiss flew the first seaplane from North Island (1911), initiating a growing interest in aviation technologies in San Diego that would later be heightened by Charles Lindbergh's historic flight on the Spirit of St. Louis from Rockwell Field in San Diego to St. Louis, Missouri (1927). Balboa Park and the San Diego Zoo remained after the Panama-California Exposition in 1915, leaving San Diegans with city-defining legacies. In 1917, the U.S. Army established Camp Kearney as part of the nationwide defense campaign for World War I (Engstrand 2005). On the outset of the war, agricultural communities flourished across the county with the aid of railroad infrastructure and early road grading that facilitated farmers moving their crops to markets. San Diego agriculture centered on avocado and other subtropical fruits primarily grown in more coastal areas and Escondido. Winter vegetables were mostly grown in the southern part of the county from La Mesa to Flinn Springs and Chula Vista. Egg and poultry - -------- ----- ---------- -- -.. -.. .. November 16, 2018 Mr. Ianni Page 8 of 29 farms during the heyday of chicken production (1908-1935) were found in Lemon Grove, La Mesa Heights, Spring Valley, Sunnyside, Chula Vista, El Cajon, Lakeside, Escondido, and Ramona (California Development Board 1918:70; Heilbron 1936:207-210, 422-442; LeMenager 1989:207). New railroad ventures and consolidations characterize the end of the nineteenth century and first few decades of the twentieth century. John D. Spreckels formed the San Diego and Arizona Railway in 1901, a line that connected San Diego with Mexico and the backcountry of San Diego County at Jacumba. In 1912, the San Diego and Cuyamaca Railway and the San Diego Southern railroads merged and became the San Diego and Southeastern (SD&SE) Railway. Five years later, Spreckels' San Diego and Arizona (SD&A)1 Railway purchased the SD&SE, leaving only the Santa Fe and the SD&A railroads as the surviving railroad lines (Hanft 1984:21, 27; Price 1988). In the next and successive decades, automobile challenged railroads as the primary mode of transportation. Automobiles revolutionized transportation in the U.S. and gave Americans an alternative to rail travel. Wealthier Americans bought Henry Ford's factory-produced Model Ts beginning in 1908, and by 1915, two million vehicles were on the roads. Fourteen years later, 10 million automobiles traveled American roadways (Etulain and Malone 1989:40; Kyvig 2004:27). Roadside businesses, such as gas stations, garages, motels, roadside restaurants, diners, and service stations, emerged, providing services to the automobile traveler (Kyvig 2004:27). As more commuters, tourists, and heavy truck drivers utilized San Diego County roadways in the 1920s, it became necessary to widen and pave routes, and smooth or eliminate curves for safer, more direct travel (California Highways 1927a, 1927b; Kyvig 2004:41, 48-49). While many used the roadways for family vacations and day trips during the 1920s, the Great Depression prompted those from the Dust Bowl states to increasingly use interstate highways to make their way toward California and other agricultural areas in the west as migrant workers (Roland et al. 2011). In San Diego County, federal and state water development projects, harbor improvements, and high levels of construction curbed some of the effects of the Great Depression. Construction projects for the Navy and Army also helped sustain the area. Social changes such as the construction of San Diego State College (1931), the transition from coal-derived gas to natural gas, and the planning and hosting of the World's Fair (1935) also aided in sustaining the San Diego area (Engstrand 2005:147-155). A significant economic impact during the financial crisis was Reuben H. Fleet's decision to move Consolidated Aircraft from Buffalo, New York to San Diego, a more suitable climate for testing planes. The company brought 800 employees and $9 million in orders, which was a significant boost to the economy and population (Consolidated Aircraft 2004; Engstrand 2005: 151 ). San Diego County's greatest numerical growth period in the first half of the twentieth century was between 1940 and 1950 when the county grew to 556,808 inhabitants (U.S. Census Bureau 1940, 1950). It is also a period characterized by more people moving to rural areas instead of the city, as the rural population increase by 170.8 percent (U.S. Census Bureau 1950:5- 12, 5-16, 5-21). At more than half a million people, San Diego had become a metropolis with attractive rural areas transitioning into new suburban communities and new, if smaller, cities around the county. As more people moved to the county, infrastructure improvements to both roadways and railroads in San Diego County became necessary, which was largely focused near defense centers such as Oceanside (Oceanside Daily Blade-Tribune, 25 February 1941:1, 20 August 1941:1). When President Eisenhower authorized an interstate system in 1956 with the Federal-Aid Highway Act, it provided the additional funding necessary to further interconnect multiple state routes for increased interstate traffic flow (Engstrand 2005:165-166). From that funding, three new transportation arteries were constructed in San Diego County between the late 1950s and the early 1970s that replaced the previous U.S. Highway system's 1 In 1933, the SD&A would become San Diego and Arizona Eastern. ------- -----------.. --.. -.. -.. -- -• -• - November 16, 2018 Mr. Ianni Page 9 of 29 principal routes: 1-5 replaced U.S. 101; 1-15 replaced U.S. 395; and 1-8 replaced U.S. 80. All three were constructed as high-speed, multi-lane divided freeways to facilitate better traffic flow (Krintz et al. 2012). By 1960, over a million people lived in the county, and between 1950 and 1970, bedroom communities such as El Cajon, Escondido, Chula Vista, and Oceanside experienced a tremendous growth rate (Engstrand 2005:166; U.S. Census Bureau 1960). Brief History of Carlsbad The city of Carlsbad was incorporated in 1952, and its zigzagged boundaries extended from the Buena Vista Lagoon to present-day Palomar Airport Road. Today, the boundaries extend south from State Route 78 to the southern edge ofBatiquitos Lagoon at La Costa Avenue and southeast beyond Rancho Santa Fe Road (City of Carlsbad 2004; Gutierrez 2002:79-80). The La Costa community in the southeastern portion of the city was annexed in 1972 but had developed years earlier as a result of the La Costa golf resort ( 1965) (Brafford 1980). The community that became the city of Carlsbad aligned with county-wide trends of the American Period (1850-present) when the northern part of Carlsbad and portions of Oceanside and Vista were part of the 13,311-acre land grant known as Rancho Agua Hedionda. Mexican Governor Juan Bautista Alvarado had carved the property out of Mission San Luis Rey's sheep land and granted the medium-sized rancho to a prominent San Diegan, Juan Maria Romouldo Marron, in 1842 (Christenson and Sweet 2008:53; Howard- Jones 1982:13-15). Following the Mexican-American War (1846-1848), new government's taxes together with challenges to their land holdings and difficulty obtaining federal land patents severely hindered Californios, and by 1860, most did not retain their original landholdings (Garcia 1975). Although Rancho Agua Hedionda was not officially recognized by the United States until 1872, the Marron family returned to the property after Juan's death in 1853 as their part-time residence. Similar to many other Californio families, their debts forced them to secure mortgages from neighbors and agree to land leases in the late 1850s and early 1860s. They leased the entire rancho to Francis J. Hinton. He hired an old friend, Robert Kelly, whom he had known from his steamship days in Yuma, Arizona as his mayordomo. When the Marron family failed to pay on a trust deed, Hinton foreclosed on the mortgage and assumed ownership. Hinton continued to amass significant wealth in real estate and mining ventures and trusted Kelly to run the rancho during his frequent absences (Howard-Jones 1982: 18-22). After Hinton unexpectedly died in 1870, Kelly eventually acquired the rancho following court battles with the Hinton and Marron families. The Kelly family inherited a majority of the rancho upon Robert Kelly's death in 1890 with a small section of land that remained in the Marron family (Christenson and Sweet 2008:53; Howard-Jones 1982:22, 34-37). A decade before his death, Kelly donated 40 acres to the California Southern Railroad . The California Southern Railroad connecting to the transcontinental line was completed in 1885 but had been constructed through the Carlsbad area in 1881 and was realigned as part of the "Surf Line" in 1888 (see the "History of the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe Railway in San Diego County" section of this chapter). The community of Carlsbad did not exist until John A. Frazier purchased over 100 acres in present-day downtown Carlsbad from a disenfranchised homesteader in 1883. Frazier unexpectedly tapped an artesian well that, when he dug deeper, produced mineral water.2 He constructed a well tower at present- day Carlsbad Boulevard and Cedar Street that became known as "Frazier's Station," near the present-day Carlsbad Santa Fe Depot (Howard-Jones 1982:39-40). By 1886, Frazier's well and its medicinal qualities had become well known, and it drew people from far and wide. Santa Fe promoters capitalized on his success and used it to entice entrepreneurs Gerhard Schutte and Samuel Church Smith to the area. Together with their associates Schutte and Smith formed the Carlsbad Land and Mineral Company. They purchased Frasier's property and an additional 275 acres for a combined 400-acre plot. In the midst of the land boom 2 The site of Frasier's original well remains today as a state historical monument, designated as such in 1955 (Howard- Jones 1982:53). -- - ------- ------- -.. ... --.. -- • -• - - November 16, 2018 Mr. Ianni Page 10 of 29 in San Diego, they began promoting the mineral water to attract potential buyers by using testimonials for its medicinal qualities and scientific evidence that the mineral water matched that of famous Well Number Nine in Karlsbad, Bohemia. In an effort to bind their fate with that of a famed European spa, they named the newly subdivided town Carlsbad (Howard-Jones 1982:41-42). The following year the Carlsbad Depot3 was constructed. The depot was the only commercial building and the center of town at the time, and so it served as a Wells Fargo Express station, Post Office, telegraph station, and general store. A school,4 newspaper, and hotel also served the small community (Howard-Jones 1982:43, 56). The first church was not constructed until 1896.5 The land boom and railroad brought excitement to the small community, but it was short-lived largely due to the real estate collapse that led to the 1890s depression (Brill 1973; Crawford 1992; San Diego Union 1934). When the Carlsbad Hotel burned down in 1896, land sales crumbled (Davis n.d.). Yet hardy settlers remained in the fledging community. The town was revived in 1914 when the South Coast Land Company purchased the remaining properties of the Carlsbad Land and Mineral Water Company. Ed Fletcher operated the Carlsbad office and negotiated water delivery from the San Luis Rey River via the city of Oceanside. All residents interested in obtaining water through the newly formed Carlsbad Mutual Water Company had to buy a share per single lot. Wells and barrels of water continued to be the water source for those living outside the boundaries of the water company. The newly secured water line prompted a burgeoning agricultural industry (Howard-Jones 1982:73). Much of the area had been reclaimed for agricultural production of hay, winter vegetables, poultry, grains, peas, beans, and lettuce (Davis n.d.). Agricultural workers included Japanese vegetable growers and Mexican immigrants who lived in an area now known as Barrio Carlos6 (Howard-Jones 1982:87, 92-93, 122-123). Farmers in the area used Chester Craig's packing shed, north of the depot on First Street, where flowers were prepared and produce was iced for shipment to Los Angeles and other large cities. Those living in the east and south used Farr's Station, located south of Agua Hedionda Lagoon (Howard-Jones 1982:73). Following the first avocado grove planting in 1916, avocados became a significant local industry (Carlsbad Journal 1959; Howard-Jones 1982:82). The Carlsbad Avocado Club (1923) organized local growers, and "Avocados Days" were celebrated with great enthusiasm as the events of the days showcased the many ways to eat the fruit that was relatively new to Southern California (Howard-Jones 1982:82). By 1928, the avocado industry had grown to more than 28,000 trees valued at over $2 million, and additional ranchers were looking into growing them (San Diego Union 1928) . However, some large farms were broken up and sold during the 1920s as some film stars from Hollywood made their homes in Carlsbad. One of the largest ranches purchased by a film star had belonged to Matthew Kelly but became known as the Leo Carrillo ranch (Howard-Jones 1982: 113-114 ). Despite those changes, Carlsbad remained a small town with an economy centered on flowers (including Paul Ecke's poinsettias), 3 In 1907, the Carlsbad Depot was changed to Carl in an effort to avoid confusion ofit with the Carlsbad, New Mexico station, but that only lasted for a decade (Howard-Jones 1982:57). 4 A new two-story school house was constructed at Pine Avenue near Fourth Street with bonds secured in 1902 (Howard-Jones 1982:64) . 5 St. Michael's Episcopal Church remained the only church in town until at least 1918. It was constructed at Oak Street between Carlsbad Boulevard and Lincoln Street but was moved to Carlsbad Boulevard and Cedar Street in 1959. St. Patrick's Church was constructed in 1926 and moved in 1952, where it was utilized as the first administrative office and police station for the newly formed City of Carlsbad. Carlsbad Union Church was also constructed in 1926 at Pine Avenue and Fourth Street (Carlsbad Library 1959b; Howard-Jones 1982:54, 56, 104). 6 The heart of Barrio Carlos was at Second Street and Walnut (Howard-Jones 1982:122-123). -- - - --- - -------- -,. - --- -.. .. .. .. November 16, 2018 Mr. Ianni Page 11 of 29 bulbs, and avocados that was supplemented by about a dozen businesses located in the business district on First Street (Davis n.d.; Howard-Jones 1982:86). The commercial district developed along First Street as part of Highway 101. In the 1920s, the increasing popularity of automobiles opened up new opportunities for travel and Carlsbad again became a destination as it had been in early days of the 1880s land boom (Howard-Jones 1982: 109). As the main road, First Street was the only paved road in Carlsbad until 1923, and many of the community services developed along it, such as Hotel Los Diego at Grand and First, as well as bakeries, restaurants, Carlsbad Theater (1927), Carlsbad National Bank, and other services (Howard-Jones 1982:58, 107-108; Sanborn 1925). Some motorists on their way to Tijuana's newly opened race track stopped at the Twin Inns 7 (Howard- Jones 1982:76). As part of state-wide and county-wide improvements, the northern portion of Lincoln Street was realigned, paved, and renamed Carlsbad Boulevard as the new coastal route. A new road overpass was constructed as part of this realignment just south of Buena Vista Lagoon where the new route rejoined the old road to Oceanside. The realignment diverted business away from some places like the Los Diego Hotel and prompted new development along Carlsbad Boulevard (Howard-Jones 1982: 100, 111 ). Auto courts and camp grounds along the new road provided simple places for overnight visitors and aided in the expanding tourism economy of Carlsbad, with businesses such as Shade A Sea Auto Inn and Apex Campground on the north and south ends of Carlsbad Boulevard. Roy's Service Station across the street from the campground not only provided automobile services but a few bungalows, a place to eat, and flower and fruits stands that sold local produce (Carlsbad Journal n.d.; Howard-Jones 1982:110). Several new hotels were constructed to serve a growing tourism industry. One of those constructed along the new highway was the Red Apple Inn8 ( 1927), and it served travelers and locals hearty meals (Carlsbad Journal n.d.; Howard- Jones 1982:101). Construction of the Carlsbad Mineral Springs Hotel (1930) on the west side of Carlsbad Boulevard between Grand and Cedar avenues revived Carlsbad's association with the mineral springs. An entire wing was used as a sanitarium with a clinic and baths that offered guest various types of relaxation treatments. Celebrities such as Greta Garbo and the Barrymore family often stayed at the new hotel (Brill 1973; Crawford 1992; Howard-Jones 1982:116-117; San Diego Union 1934). Despite the financial impacts of the Great Depression, Carlsbad's primary economies remained: tourism and agricultural production, especially avocados. The Army and Navy Academy moved to Carlsbad in 1936, which also aided in sustaining the community but the postwar influx made the greatest impact. Subdivisions developed during the postwar years on the outskirts of town, with the first being Buena Vista Gardens northeast of Jefferson Street and Laguna Drive in 1948. The commercial businesses boomed in response to a growing population with the first professional center established in 194 7 on Elm A venue, and a new post office and the first supermarket were constructed on Madison north of Grand Avenue in 1951 (Howard-Jones 1982:139, 142). New residential communities and commercial properties meant the community needed more than the Marron Canyon Dam ( 1941) and the existent water arrangement with the City of Oceanside to meet its growing needs (Howard-Jones 1982:130). The need for more water became the essential issue in the debate on whether Carlsbad should be annexed into Oceanside or incorporated as a separate city. Those in favor of incorporation won the debate in June 1952 (Howard-Jones 1982:144-163). Another significant transition in the community was the construction of 1-5 in the early 1950s, which diverted much of the traffic away from the main thoroughfare of Carlsbad Boulevard and contributed to the decline of businesses such as the Carlsbad Hotel and the Royal Palms Hotel (Howard-Jones 1982: 112, 118). 7 The Twin Inns were originally constructed in 1887 as the Schutte family home directly west of the depot, but were established as a hotel in 1914 (Howard -Jones 1982:52) . 8 In 1936, the Army and Navy Academy left Pacific Beach for its current location in Carlsbad, and Red Apple Inn was absorbed into the academy as Fegan Hall (Howard-Jones 1982: 101) . ---------- - ------------.. ---.. .. .. -• .. - November 16, 2018 Mr. Ianni Page 12 of 29 Although the railroad depot had played a significant role in the growth Carlsbad, farming had declined significantly in favor of residential development and commercial growth, and as a result the depot ceased to function as such in 1966. Thereafter it was reused as the Carlsbad Chamber of Commerce building (Howard-Jones 1982:56). The city grew to 32,000, an increase of 55 percent between 1969 and 1979. An expanding population prompted new residential and commercial construction, redevelopment, a new unified school district, and other changes necessary for a growing city (Howard-Jones 1979). RECORD SEARCH RESULTS ASM requested a records search from the SCIC at San Diego State University on October 1, 2018, for the proposed project location and a one-half mile radius surrounding the proposed project's APE (Confidential Appendix A). The results of the record search indicate that no previously recorded cultural resources intersect the APE. Two previously recorded prehistoric sites intersect the eastern edge of the search radius. Two historic addresses and one historic isolate were identified within the search radius. The resources are summarized below and in Table 1. Table 1. Previously Recorded Cultural Resources within the One-Half Mi. Search Radius Desi!Jnation Primary Approximate Number Trinomial Distance P-37-CA-SDI-from APE Contents Recorder, Date 010478 10478 795m Shell midden and lithic artifacts Pigniolo and Gallegos 1986 013076 13076 795m Sparse shell and lithic scatter Eighmey and Boughton 1993 036871 --370m Two historic bricks Downs 2017 CA-SDl-10478 was recorded in 1986 by Andrew Pigniolo and Dennis Gallegos ofWESTEC Services as a short term occupancy camp with shell midden and a few chipped stone artifacts. The artifacts were encountered in an area approximately 60 x 30 meters (m) in size with a depth of about 100 centimeters ( cm). Five trenches were excavated and yielded two hammerstones, 3 cores, and 720 g of shell. One 1-x- 1-m unit was also excavated and yielded additional debitage, faunal remains, charcoal, and shell intermixed with some historic debris. CA-SDI-13076 was recorded in 1993 by Jim Eighmey and John Boughton of Gallegos and Associates as a sparse shell and lithic scatter along the margins of an exposed bluff line overlooking Agua Hedionda Lagoon. The subsurface deposit indicates that the site was intermixed with historic materials, suggesting that the first 40 cm of deposits had been disturbed. Chione sp. and Argopecten sp. shell were found in moderate quantities to a depth of 30 cm. Some debitage from hard hammer reduction of split-cobble cores was identified, along with numerous pieces of historic and modern trash. One historic isolate, P-37-036871, was identified within the search radius and consists of two identical bricks from the Los Angeles Brick Company. The bricks were made sometime between 1900 and 1929, most likely at the Los Angeles Brick Company Plant No. 2, located on East Seventh Street in Los Angeles . The isolates were identified by Lauren Downs of AECOM in 2017 . The records search results also reveal that 16 previous cultural resource studies have been conducted within a one-half mile radius of the project area. Three of the previous studies include the proposed project APE. Table 2 provides a list of the reports from previous cultural resources studies that have been conducted within a one-half mile radius of the project area. - -- - --- - -------------.. - -.. .. ... • ... .. November 16, 2018 Mr. Ianni Page 13 of 29 Table 2. Previous Cultural Resources Reports Addressing Areas within the One-Quarter Mi. Search Radius Citation NADB No. Authors Date Title Publisher 1120535 Cupples, Sue Ann 1976 Oceanside Harbor And Navigation Project: Dr. Larry L. Leach Archaeoloaical Survev Rel)ort 1121028 Dennis Gallegos 1986 Archaeological Test At Sdi-10478 Agua Westec Services, Hedionda Carlsbad, California Inc. Woodward, Jim And Resource Inventory Cultural Resources San Department Of 1121638 George 1985 Diego Coast State Beaches Parks And Stammeriohan Recreation Carlsbad Boulevard: An Archaeological Survey Report Of The Right-Of-Way For New Horizons 1121752 Polan, H. Keith 1981 Proposed Bridge And Street Improvements Planning Between Tamarack Avenue And Cannon Consultants, Inc. Road Seth A. Rosenberg, A Cultural Resources Evaluation For The Vista Evaluated Entire 1131524 Adriane Dorrler, And 2007 And Buena Sanitation District 2007 Sewer Project Area Brian F. Smith Master Plan Uodate Archaeological Resources Survey, Buena 1132185 Mary Robbins-Wade 2009 Creek Restoration Project, Vista, San Diego Outside County, California 1124111 Draft Environmental Impact Report Revised Larry Seeman 1982 Parl<s And Recreation Element, Carlsbad, Larry Seeman California 1126629 Rosen, Martin 1999 Historic Property Survey Report Oceanside To Martin Rosen San Diego-Rail To Trail Byrd, Brian F. And Archaeological Survey Report For The Phase I 1129361 Collin O'neill 2002 Archaeological Survey Along Interstate 5 San ASM, Inc Diego Countv. Ca. 1129516 Caterino, David 2005 The Cemeteries And Gravestones Of San David Caterino Dieao County: An Archaeoloaical Study 1129571 Guerrero, Monica C City Of Carlsbad Water And Sewer Master Gallegos & And Dennis R. 2003 Plans Cultural Resource Background Study Galleoos Citv Of Carlsbad, California Associates Bonner, Wayne H. Cultural Resource Records Search Results Michael 1131419 And Marnie Aislin-2007 For T-Mobile Candidate Sd06919b (Tamarack Brandman Kay Hoa), 111 Tamarack Avenue, Carlsbad, San Associates Diego County, California Robbins-Wade, Archaeological Resources Survey, Agua 1132153 Mary 2009 Hedionda Sewer And Lift Station, Carlsbad, Affinis San Diego Countv, California Historic Property Survey Report For The 1132693 Tang, Bai "Tom" 2009 Proposed Construction Of A Second Mainline Caltrans Track In The City Of Carlsbad By The North County Transit District Archaeological Survey Report: Carlsbad Hogan, Michael And Double Track Project Control Point Carl (Mp 1132738 2009 229.3) To Control Point Farr (Mp 231. 7) North CRMTech Deirdre Encarnacion County Transit District Mainline San Diego County, California Ca/trans District 11 York, Andrew L. And Cultural Resources Investigation In Support Of 1133488 2011 Consultation For The Regional Beach Sand Ii Aecom John Hildebrand Project San Diego County, California - - ----- -------- -.. --.. --.. • - .. • • .. November 16, 2018 Mr. Ianni Page 14 of 29 NADBNo. Authors Flandreau, 1134757 Madeleine Castells, Shelby Gunderman, Shannon Davis, 1137218 Sarah Stringer- Bowsher, Jennifer Krintz, And Sinead Nf Ghabhlain Date 2013 2013 Citation Title Publisher Request For Concurrence On "Section 106" Compliance And A Finding Of "No Historic State Water Properties Affected" For Vista/ Carlsbad Resource Control Interceptor And Agua Hedionda Pump Station Board Reolacement Proiect (Proiect) Cultural And Historical Resources Existing Conditions And Evaluation Report For The ASM Affiliates, Pacific Surf/iner Carlsbad Village Double-Inc. Track Project, San Diego County, California The SCIC Historic Address Database listed two historical address previously recorded within the one-half mile search radius. The resources are listed in Table 3. Table 3. Historical Buildings Located within the One-Quarter Mi. Search Radius Address I Primary Construction Approximate Number Historic Name Date City, Zip Code Distance from APE 519 Chinquapin Ave N/A Carlsbad, 92008 790m 4800 Carlsbad Blvd Encina Power Plant 1952-1954 Carlsbad 92008 600m Smoke Stack A cultural resources survey inventory is not feasible due to the fact that the project APE has been developed and landscaped. There is no visible ground surface within the APE (Figure 3). Recommendations The results of the record search did not identify any previously recorded archaeological sites that intersect the project APE. Two previously recorded prehistoric sites were identified just within the half-mile search radius. One historic isolate and two historic addresses were also recorded within the one-half mile search radius. Archaeological monitoring for ground-disturbing activities during construction associated with the project is recommended due to the potential for cultural resources within the vicinity. Res3;~. t, T. Daniels, Jr., MA,~ Senior Archaeologist Attachments: Figure 1. Figure 2. Figure 3 . Project vicinity Project location Project APE Confidential Appendix A -SCIC Record Search Results ---------- --------- ----.. .. -- -.. • November 16, 2018 Mr. Ianni Page 15 of 29 REFERENCES Almstedt, Ruth 1982 Kumeyaay and lpay. In APSISDG&E Interconnection Native American Cultural Resources, edited by Clyde Woods, pp. 6-20. Wirth Associates, San Diego. Bada, Jeffrey, Roy Schroeder, and George Carter 1974 New Evidence for the Antiquity of Man in North America Deduced from Aspartic Acid Racemization. Science 184:791-793. Bayham, Frank E., and Donald H. 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Spier, Leslie 1923 Southern Diegueno Customs. University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology 20:295-358. Berkeley. Stone, Joe 1959 Youth's Memory Lives on Wings. San Diego Tribune. 11 March. On file at the San Diego History Center, Carlsbad files. ----------- -----.. .. -• -- - -.. ---- November 16, 2018 Mr. Ianni Page 21 of 29 Tartaglia, Louis James 1976 Prehistoric Maritime Adaptations in Southern California. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Anthropology, University of California, Los Angeles. Taylor, R., L. Payen, C. Prior, P. Slota, R. Gillespie, J. Gowlett, R. Hedges, A. Hull, T. Zabel, D. Donahue, and R. Berger 1985 Major Revisions in the Pleistocene Age Assignments for North American Human Skeletons by C14 Accelerator Mass Spectrometry: None Older Than 11,000 C14 Years B.P. American Antiquity 50: 136-140. True, Delbert L. 1958 An Early Complex in San Diego County, California. 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Electronic document, http:/h,vww2.ccnsus.gov/prod2/dccennial/documcnts/41084484v 1 ch l .pdf, accessed October 19, 2009. 1940 Section 3, "Number and Distribution oflnhabitants, Arizona-Florida." Electronic document, http://www2.census.gov/prod2/dccennial!documents/33973538vlch03. llill: accessed October 19, 2009. 1950 Section 4, ''Number of Inhabitants: Alabama-District of Columbia, Electronic document, http://www2.census.gov/prod2/decennial/documents/ 23761117vlch04.pdf, accessed October 19, 2009. Wade, Sue A. 1986 Archaeological Testing Program at SDi-10185, Loci A-C, and SDi-10186. Otay Mesa, City of San Diego, California. RECON, San Diego. Wallace, William 1978 Post-Pleistocene Archaeology, 9000 to 2000 B.C. In California, edited by Robert F. Heizer, pp. 25-36. Handbook ofNorth American Indians, Vol. 8, William C. Sturtevant, general editor . Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C. ------ ---- --- -... -----.. -- .. --.. .. .. .. .. .. November 16, 2018 Mr. Ianni Page 22 of 29 Warren, Claude 1964 Cultural Change and Continuity on the San Diego Coast. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, 1966 1967 1987 Department of Anthropology, University of California, Los Angeles. The San Dieguito Type Site. San Diego Museum of Man Papers No. 5. The San Dieguito Complex: Review and Hypothesis. American Antiquity 32:168-185. The San Dieguito and La Jolla: Some Comments. In San Dieguito -La Jolla: Chronology and Controversy, edited by Dennis Gallegos, pp. 73-85. San Diego County Archaeological Society Research Paper No. 1. Warren, Claude, Gretchen Siegler, and Frank Dittner 2008 Paleo-Indian and Early Archaic Periods. In Prehistoric and Historic Archaeology of Metropolitan San Diego: A Historic Properties Background Study, pp. 13-107. ASM Affiliates, Carlsbad, California. Waterman, Thomas 1910 The Religious Practices of the Dieguefio Indians. University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology 8:271-358. Berkeley. Waugh, M. Georgie 1986 Intensification and Land-Use: Archaeological Indications of Transition and Transformation in a Late Prehistoric Complex in Southern California. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Anthropology, University of California, Davis . Weber, Francis J. (compiler and editor) 1988 El Caminita Real: A Documentary History of California's Asistencias. Yee Tin Tong Printing, Hong Kong. Weber, F. Harold, Jr. 1963 Geology and Mineral Resources of San Diego County, California, County Report 3, California Division of Mines and Geology, Sacramento. White, Raymond C. 1963 Luisefio Social Organization. University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology 48:91-194. Berkeley . - - ------ .. -- --- - .. -.. .. .. ... .. - .. -.. .. .. .. November 16, 2018 Mr. Ianni Page 23 of 29 FIGURES November 16, 2018 Mr. Ianni Page 24 of 29 0 7.5 Miles 0 7.5 Kilometers 15 N I\' ,.. fl: . .,. f..( A 15 .~ ·::· s:: ... , .... ___: t.~· ' 1 ;~ ~ , " ~·~~:// · h'. # ":!; ' ~. fl, ti~ ,.,. ' 11'' I ... ,;,/Jt· ..• , . ~ Figure 1. Project vicinity map. November 16, 2018 Mr. Ianni Page 25 of29 I t I I t I I I ~ ! l • c:J 3648 Carlsbad Blvd NAD83UTM O Scale 1 :24,000 0.5 0 Miles 0.5 Kilometers I N 1 Service layer Credits: Copyrigh~2013 National Geographic Society, i-eubed Figure 2. Project location map. November 16, 2018 Mr. Ianni Page 26 of29 Figure 3. Project APE. November 16, 2018 Mr. Ianni Page 27 of29 CONFIDENTIAL APPENDIX A: SCIC RECORDS SEARCH RESULTS